Georgia`s diplomatic spat with EU Special Representative (EUSR)  Herbert Salber last week was as bad-tempered as it was unnecessary.  Worse, the confidence-wrecking outburst makes the real differences  between Georgia and the EU on breakaway regions even more difficult to  address.
Ambassador Salber represents the EU in Geneva International Discussions  (GID), aimed at resolving the aftermath of 2008 war with Russia. He was  caught on tape during his routine visit to Tskhivali on April 16,  congratulating Anatoly Bibilov "on the results of the election” and on  "assuming the important position”, referring to April 9 presidential  polls. Tbilisi was incensed at EUSR Salber seemingly casting shadow over  the EU official position, which stated on April 8  that it "does not recognize the legal framework” in which these  elections were held and expressed "firm support” to Georgia’s  territorial integrity.
The international mediators have to deal with cantankerous negotiators  daily. They are also obliged to consort the figures  far more unsavory  than Mr. Bibilov is, granting them the diplomatic decorum for the sake  of successful mediation. But to paraphrase the famous parable, having  the process of "how the sausages are made” caught on tape is  embarrassing. It could not go unremarked in Tbilisi. 
But Tbilisi`s reaction was exaggerated. The EU Ambassador to Tbilisi  Janos Herman (who, has no authority over Amb. Salber, neither is a part  of the mediation effort) was summoned to the Ministry, the demarche were made in Brussels.The Georgian Chief negotiator David Dondua registered strong protest  calling EUSR’s position "unacceptable”, "difficult to grasp” and  "contrary to international law”. Even the Minister of Culture (!) has chipped in, calling for Salber’s speedy replacement. The opposition – as befits its role - was even more outraged.
This fury serves no positive purpose. It damages Georgia’s standing as  EU counterpart and is a pure waste of its negotiating capital. Georgian  diplomats know – and politicians must come to understand - that no  international agency would remove a mediator under direct pressure.  Neither Amb. Salber is a senior European diplomat with years of service  as OSCE’ head of operations. His positive reputation protects him from  the frontal attacks. Importantly, Berlin has the German diplomat’s back.  By attacking Amb. Salber, Tbilisi has barely chipped his armor.
Undercurrent of mistrust
This is a pity, as it saps mutual trust that is necessary to address  Tbilisi`s genuine concerns about European Union’s position on Abkhazia  and Tskhinvali region/South Ossetia.
The problem is this: by the virtue of his position as mediator,  EUSR has to be impartial when it comes to Abkhazia and South Ossetia.  While Tbilisi is aware of the need for impartiality, Georgia cannot  afford an EU official to seem status-neutral, especially when this  official has a considerable impact on shaping the EU policy.
EUSR should be aware of the wider context, where gaffes may be  exploited to go a long way towards stoking Euro-skepticism in Georgia.  Commentaries on social media threads dedicated to the recent incident  were indignant and masterfully stoked into incandescence by dedicated  "trolls".
 
EU has a special role in Geneva. Two of the agencies that  "co-Chair” the mediation process – the UN and OSCE – have Russia as  their veto-wielding members. They cannot pronounce themselves officially  for Georgia’s territorial integrity. The EU, which faces no such  hurdle, can and indeed does speak up for Georgia: through the official statements  of the EU Commissioner Mogherini, as well as in an Association  Agreement, which is a binding legal document for both Tbilisi and  Brussels.
This leaves EUSR exposed to criticism from Russia – often channeled  through Tskinvali and Sukhumi - that he is partial towards Tbilisi.  Hence, the willingness of the EUSR office to stress – perhaps  over-stress - its neutrality. But due to Amb. Salber’s seniority and his  standing in the German Foreign Service, Tbilisi is acutely sensitive to  any vacillation in his endorsement of Georgia’s territorial integrity.  When Tbilisi presses his hand, EUSR feels unjustly instrumentalised and  his mediating role compromised. 
Much like in any odd relationship, untold frustrations accumulate and conflicts flare at unexpected moments.
Russia’s Geneva "hack”
Part of Amb. Salber’s – or, better said, the EU’s - problem is that the  Geneva discussions format has been successfully "hacked” by Russia  already back in 2008. Instead of being about Russia’s military invasion  of Georgia, it came to be mainly about Tbilisi’s relationship with its  restive provinces.
Geneva discussions were set up to mediate between Russia and Georgia,  following the August 12, 2008 ceasefire– the so called "six-point  agreement”. Its sessions were to be mediated ("co-Chaired”) by three  international agencies – EU, which mediated the ceasefire, the UN and  OSCE, both of which by then had lasting field presence in Georgia  dealing with Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region/South Ossetia, respectively.  The negotiating sides would come together in plenary sessions,  represented by the Deputy Foreign Ministers of Russia, Georgia, and the  US Assistant Secretary of State. Such setup – "format” in diplomatic  parlance – made clear that the mediators’ mandate was to facilitate  talks between the Russia and Georgia after the war, which left swathes  of Georgian lands occupied.
But in October 2008, when the first plenary meeting was to take place,  Russia brought along and insisted on including the representatives of  Abkhazia and South Ossetia – both which Moscow already recognized as  independent states. In the end, the "real” plenary was never held. The  format of two working groups including the representatives of Abkhazia  and Tskhinvali region/South Ossetia, which was intended as "procedural”  and thus subsidiary to the plenary, became the main one. 
Russia has consistently – and counter-factually - claimed, that it is  not a party to conflict, but one of the mediators. So the EUSR, which  was mandated to mediate chiefly between Georgia and Russia, finds  himself mediating between Georgia and its breakaway territories. 
Recent months saw series of actions that bring both regions within  Russia’s military and political fold. Civil servants from both areas are  now mainly paid from Moscow, the militaries of "independent republics”  subsumed under Russian bases or put under Russian command and – most recently – the new "joint” investigation and law enforcement agency is set up that seems to supersede Abkhaz police.
Bound by its perceived need to remain neutral, the European Union has  been shy to react to these developments publicly, much to Tbilisi’s  chagrin and disappointment. Wherein lies the background of nervousness  that has, undoubtedly, affected the amplitude of Tbilisi’s response to  Amb. Salber’s statement.
Way out?
The best way to start resolving this relationship crisis is for Tbilisi,  Brussels and EUSR to recognize that the roots of the problem go beyond  their personal idiosyncrasies, but are systemic – linked to a conflict  between Europe’s desire to back its allies and its need to work with  Russia. Next step would be to back from escalatory rhetoric and decide  on realistic ways to move ahead. 
Tbilisi has to give the diplomats the lead on this matter, and reign in  the politicians too willing to score points at the EU’s expense. The  politicians, however, should define – and refine - the course Georgia  wants to take on handling Russia side of Geneva discussions.
So far down the road, it is unlikely that the mediators would – or,  indeed, could - bring Russia to account for tearing up the 2008  ceasefire. If the EU’s commitment to Georgia is incompatible with EUSR`s  role as the leading Geneva co-Chair, perhaps the EU would want to yield  the driver seat to either UN or the OSCE, which are status-neutral by  institutional design.
Another way is to split the formats that discuss the security  matters, mainly concerning Russia and Georgia, from the humanitarian  ones, where Tbilisi has to discuss with Tskhinvali and Sukhumi. In the  first matter, EUSR could keep the lead, delegating the second to its  colleagues. The EU might also want to have a voice speaking in and about  Georgia that is equal to Amb. Salber in standing and credibility, but  is not encumbered by mediation.
None of these would be easy to do. But discussing serious and  controversial matters in a spirit of partnership advances our common  cause. Angry spats – do not.